March 13/14th 1450
Suffolk formulates Responses
Denied treason or anything remotely like it and the official records would show that he never acted alone in the peace negotiations with France. He mentioned Bishop Moleyns, the keeper of the privy seal, had actually be responsible for the surrender of Le Mans. Also the Bishops extorted confession, before his execution, was false and untrue. As the murdered Bishop could not agree or deny the case, the Lords where asked how they wished to proceed, the responded on Mar 16th that “noo thing [be] doon in that matier”. Meanwhile William was away preparing for his responses to the second set of charges.
Below is the a copy Rolls, containing the charges against the duke of Suffolk.
Middle English – (Read it phonetically).
Peple felle fro him and wors were coraged to have bidene in the kynge’s service and warres . . . worehipfull takyng without reprofe or cowardnesse. The nighte before that he was yolden he laye in bede with a Nonne whom he toke oute of holy profession and defouled, whos name was Malyne de Cay, by whom he gate a daughter, nowe married to Stonard of Oxonfordshire, and he was comynge fro his warde down the place over the Bruge by Jamet de Tille, whiche sinfulle levynge ys effect was nought only cause of his schamfulle takynge but the dethe of his seid brethren and of many a notable persone there . . . same tyme myscheved . . . whiche is schamfulle to here of, of a man berynge the name of astate. And w[here he] saith he payed for his finaunce and rauncone the summe of xx” m’ li. and more, wite it verily that he was a . . . . XII. M’. marke at the most, for the which he layde his seale to the Frenashemenne, and his brother which we . . . . at Oxenford he laye plege for him, &c.
To whom falsly forsworne he lete him dye in prison. And forasmoch as his said scale lay in the Frenschemen’s handes by side forth ev . . . . coude with nos crafte by quyte withoute reprofe, he therfor conspired with the Duke of Orliaunce beynge in his kepyuge and with the Conace, and Jamet de Tylly, and other of the Frenshe partie to labour the delivraunce of the seid Duke of Orliaunce, and so to h[ave the] seid seale ayen, the which he complesshed withoute other payements of Fynaunce, raunceoun, or depance, and toko grete sommes of gy[ftes], and rewarde beside forth, and the kynge ne the lands never abailled, which mater shalle better be declared herafter in tyme to come with the mercy of God.
Item wher the seid duke articled that after that he was come oute of prison into Englond, longe before he payed his seid surmised excessive fynaunce, he went to Caleys to my lorde of Bedford, and not longe after beynge styward of the kynge’s house, went in ambassade in the company of my Lord Cardinall of Englond and other to the convencion of Aras ; and after the dethe [of] my lord a B[edford] . . . the viage with his husholde meude in to Normandie and Fraunce, and put the Countre in reule. . . seid surmised Fynannee was never payed, but as ys and shalle herafter be declared, it was stoppid ; and as for goynge to Ca[leys] . . . . . Normandie and Fraunce and Aras, he wente at the kynge’s grete costes, and had excessive rewardes, and well and trewely [was] he contente, and he wente under suche condite as was no juperdeux aventure in Normandie and Frraunce, for erst he came the [re] . . . was resenably good rule, and by him hit was appreyred, and ther was amyghty power of the Inglissh partie, and by him it w[as] weyked ; and where he saith in the same article that other menne’s defautes or mysdedes that aren aboute oure prince be. . . . . . directed and layde unto him untrewly by divers envious maliciously noysed, late him purge himselfe first, and thanne telle [others menne‘s defautes and mysdedes. Or elles a contrary, lets him telle the seid defautes or misdedes and laye theym upon theym [that] aren gylty, and tell what it is that passith his power to amende, and so discharge his consciens and diaclaundre the general w. . . . . none singler thinge that perchaunce is not done to his lust.
Item where in his thred article the seid duke declarith that he by the comaundement of the kynge, and by thavice of alle the lordes spirituall and temperall well instructe, and havynge ample, large, and sufficent power and auctorite, toke upon him with other notable ambassades to goo in to Normandie, and so fourth to Toures to the kynge’s uncle and adversarie of Fraunce, as well for the kynge’s mariage as for trewes, and considered that Normandie was desired universally by the kynge’s subjectes beynge theraswell lordes, capteyns, and other, which he surmittith be yet sufficient of recorde, which saide that tyme to the seide duke that but he toke a trewes or an abstynence of werre, they mighte not ne wolde not kepe the lande in the kynge’s obeysaunce, seynge the mighte of adversaries assembled at Pounteys to the nombre of xviij. m’ menne, and the debilite and feblenesso of the kynge’s countre, which menne of werre were not whan thei were to geder not xvc Englisshemenne the townes and the castelles unstuffed of menne and of ordinaunce and vitaille. This is the trouth that considered grete governance that the seid duke had hier in this lande and the grete favour aboute the kynge’s person, and the grete coost that was putte in him, and the grete use of ambassad and full instruccion that he had at alle tymes of alle the seid debilite and of the menes of repayre ther of in as moche as he seith himself he put the seid countre to good ruele after the dethe of my lorde of Bedford, and afterwards wente in the company of my lorde of Yorke over the see and ther abode ayere, at which sesons and tymes he was well instructe of alle suiyvent moovvemens, and of alle the mighte of the kinge’s adversaries, wherof he never set ne desired to sette remedie, but rather councell, which St Piers de Brese and other of the Frenshe partie in suche forme as herafter shalbe declared better with God is mercy : and where he saith the takynge of the said treux was the gretest universalle welle that ever came to the kynge or to his subjectes, it is the contrary, for ther by the kynge’s obeisauuce was and ys lost, the more partie God emende it, therby the kynge’s adversaries that thanne were we . . . and in ruyna werre releved and sore encressed therby the kynge’s peple and soudeours were put from their Garisons exiled, poverysehed, and distroied ; therby were robbers, pillages, murders, ydelnesse, and cursednesse brought amonge us, therby ours frendes of the kynge’s amite and of his linage were departed from the leige of oure sovereigne, and to not comprised in the takynge of the said treux, therby the Frenshemen alied them selfe and enlarge their amite and their aliage to suche as were besto oute of the kynge’s amite ouere sovereigne lorde ; therby were alle the Garrisons in Fraunce and Normandie of the kynge’s obeysiaunce ; therby were alle soudeours clane piked oute of the countree. Et quid supereto, thereby is alle goone, and t . . . . . this mighty dede be alle inacted and exempleficd ; yet it is not exemplified in whos defaute is lost afote of g[round] : and for exemplificacion it is well knowen that when the Duke of Orliaunce shulde be delivered, as is rehersed in the first article of the boke, my lorde of Gloucestre was contrary in his oppinion to the deliveraunce of him, and ther fore he desired an Acte to be made for him that it was never his assent ; and so it was done ; and with in a moneth after, not withstondyngo that the seid Duke of Suffolk laboured the seid deliverance, he had alike acts exemplified for him by Privy Seall, that it was never his assent. Who but antichrist coude turne the trenthe upse done ? who so eville doynge, so inpeitable, who so defyled, so faire withoute soothe ? Trowe ys not that Judas that kissed his maister : and as to that that he saith, ther were not xvc Englisshmen, ther were moo at the tyme of the first treux takynge thanne xi. mi which may be proved, and the Dolphyne, with helde after with him iij. mi and C. Englisshemen. and at the treux proroged were in Normandie viij. Mi. men and moo.
Item where the seid duke in the ende of his fourte article declarith himselfe for yeldynge up or departynge fro and of the townes and castelles of Anyoies and Mayne with their appurtenances, and seith the trouthe was that whan he was at Toures in amhassiad and after at Loreyne, and had ample and as large power as any was gevyn to any ambassad amou ther convocacions and treites was desired gretly over the other partie to ayelde up or to arelessed to theytn the seid towns of Anyoies and Mayne, with their appurtenaunces, and notwithstondynge his seid power was large and sufficient dyscharge for him to have resonably departed the kynge’s title therfore, yet he gaffe theym never answere nor comforte therof.
It is yet never thelesse that therof delivered he to the Bastard of Orliaunce letters patents made in the kynge’s name, besydes Powles, and ther made to him promise that yf the Duke of Alauncion wolde come or sende to the kynge into Englond to desire Alauncion, he shulde do his parte in suche forme as he dowted not he shulde have it ; and as for Maunce and Mayne, alle lordes and comons in Englonds knew well that it was the keye of well faire of alle the kynge’s obeisaunces in Fraunce and Normandie, and whanne they were gone the Englisshemen obeisaunce was gretly anentished, and the French partie hoold over that side : and howe the kynge’s enheritaunce was ther inne, loke alle your cronicles and ye shall fiynde it the old enheritaunce that oure sovereigne lorde had, and that he hath continued in the issue male with oute chaunge of blod fro Goferey Plantegenet to his awyn persone a fyv hundred yore abone before the seid Gefereys days, and so thei not inherited by so olde blode male, noo lands christian withoute chaunge of name : and wher he saith that he moved the Frenche partie [to] recompense the kynge’s subjects that had lyvelodo there, which was impossible to alle Fraunce graunt away the kyne’s lyvelode by his letters patent, and of his adversaries desire Impossible thinge it is no pleynesse by no mene for no prince ; but wors, it followith no man is recompensed, and the kyne’s lyvelode and enheritaunce ys goone and his obeisaunce anentished, and his liege menne have lost her lond, and are become beggers.
The Frensshe partie and the Duke of Suffolk riched, the trewe subjects lost her londe, her goods, her catall, ther wyfes, ther childrenne, and over that exiled and fleed the countree ; thus was the seid treux takyn inprovidently and folily ; for therby be the Frensshemenne riched, the Englishmenne povered ; they mightly recured of men and peple, we distroied; they to gader, we assundred scarkeled; they well araycd, we exiled and banysshed; and over that, the seid duke improvidently after his first ambassiad not considered the grete emynent charges wherto the kynge was borne of necessite, first for the susteynynge of his werres and resistence of his enemyes, next for his grete and honourable mariage, the thirde for his blode and issue, which God sende us in this lande for his mercy ; the fourte fore for the comyn welle encrese and profite of alle the lande, and for his honourable hushold never stynte of his insatiable covetise, but ever of the kynge oure sovereigne lorde gate to himselfe raill lordshipe, maneres, townes, landes, tenements, sees, annuetes, reversions, wherof what so evere the seid duke write for his excuse, the yerely value with the offices ther to appendaunt is more thanne v. Mi marcs in alle. . . . . the proves thereof is to see all his grauntes made fro the first yere of his reigne, in to nowe, wherof the graunte by patente made to him only of alle thinges passe the nombre of xxti and by sume patent a m marck of landes, and more by which insa . . . . . and yet he spares not the best revenus of alle this lande, which is the custome and subsidie of wolles wherof he hath at ones oute of Norfolke costes the value by a patent of v. M1 marcs, of which wooles the grete substaunce was trised . . . . over the see by the halides of Symond Pygot of Lenne, and he overmore of insaciable covetise not thus content ne yet with the grete excessive sinistres giftes for makynge of grete offices and ministres of countrees in Englond, wherof . . . . summo yere at the eleccion of Shireffes of Englond of particuler mattiers outwarde, and to make a shireffe parcially, and not indifferently, his approwe worth a mi marcs, at sume terme of Seynt Michell, whereof felle the inconvenientisse in this lande, therby alto tho that wolde not be of his secte were over sette in their countres ; therby every metier trewe or fals that he wolde favour went fourthe ; therby alle other trewe mannes metier of nonsuche mighte went bakkc ; therby perjuries begonne and encresed that yet sinfully continued in Englond, which sume men drede shalle cause the landes destrucion ; but good amende hit; therby were trewe men hangyng ; therby were theves saved, therby menne lost their lands with wronge such as he wolde; therby hath he purchaced many a grete lordship for mayntenaunce ; therby falsholde encreased, therby treuth destroued ; therby was trouth put under, and falshold was lyfted above; thereby is justice lost ; therby is lawe mischeffed ; and over alle this, not thus content, the saide duke thoughte the kynge’s lyvelode not by him anynteshed.. caused many other of his secte sum suche as did the kynge never service, ne none of his auncestres to have of the kinge’s gyfte, great constabularies, offices, annuetes, and grete pensions, wherof the approwe to his awene selfe of giftes that he toke therof was every yere worth yerely the value of his lyfelode. Thus is he riched, the kynge povered ; he of grete lyvelode, the kynge of litell lyvelode; this ys the estymacion of his lyvelode of the kynge’s gyfte.
First my lady dame Margarete Somerset with the fees of officers – | mi. li. |
Item for the lande of my yonge lady of Warwyke ; he was a frendely fermor for the lande he toke to ferme of the tresorer. The Erldorne of Penbroke with Penbroke shire with the fees of menne and offices – | mi. li. |
The grete parte of the Erldom of Richmond in Norfolk as Swafham, Narforth, Turne, and Charleton, With the appurtenaunees and with the Turne of Writes, with Shervesturnes and other frauncheses – | cc. li. |
The offices at Wadestoke, Walynford, Fremantill, and other, with the grete offices in the duche of Lancastre, besides other offices here not expressed – | cc. li. |
The sinistre purchace of the seid duke. |
First, for asmoche as he gat to the Erle of Kendale the honour, name, title, and astate of the erle, &c., and gat him the kynge’s lyvelode in Gascoigne and Guyene, whiche was summe tyme the lorde of Gloucestre, and maried to him his nece. Therfore he hath by slypper eschaunge the lordship and castell of Glaxton, Resham, and other landes and tenements in Norfolk and Suffo wich were of the enheritaunce of his seid nece, to the yerely value, with fees and offices and services, cc. li.
Item of the executors of Sr. John Clyften to mayntayn theym to kepe Clyfton ys lyvelode with wronge fro his next blode and his heires, to whome his seid lyvelode was entailled, XXVI. li.
Item where the seid duke execused him and my lady, his wyfe, of there lyfe lyvynge continuelly upon the kynge and the quene, as to that article it nedith not gretly to say memorie, for the treuth apperith.
Item where the seid duke declarith that it is cursedly noysed that he shulde selle Normandie, and the lordes and capteyns their, as to the lordes and capteyns it is to bene advised; but as for Normandie, wete ye well that the Frenche partie knowen every day our poverte, oure debilite, inprovidente, non-resistence, non-poeer, and every mishappe that folowith amonge us; and as for that amphibille demaunde that the seid Duke seith in his article to demaunde the cause of the losse of Normandie, of suche persones as have conceites of lordes and capteyns that have yalde up the kynge’s places ;
That demaunde may not rescu a persone, ne it is not worthy ; but this demaunde wherby it is lost, hit may be aunswerred by false covetise, ravene, extorcion and pillage, which caused rebellioun of Sogettes for lakke of Justice on the oo side ; by deliveraunce of the duke of Orliaunce and the Countes of Mayne and Maunce, in to the Frensitemennes handes, inprovident, undiscrete, shrewed and trewe takyn treux on the other side; and of iche of thees comyth many a felle braunch which shalle passe to speke of, and the residue of the seid duke’s booke shalbe aunswerre.
Plus in dorso.
And as for secour or rescus to Roone Hartflette or to any other place in Normandie, it nedith not to aunswerre the seid duke’s declaration ; for therof the tenth apperith; and for his offres into Normandie or to any other place, as large as they have ben made and spoken, ever thei be joyned with an impossible, &c.
Modern translation – (Anne Curry & Rosemary Horrox)
People fell from him, and worse [people] were encouraged to stay in the king’s service and wars [gap] worshipful taking without reproof or cowardice. The night before he was captured, he lay in bed with a nun whom he took out of her holy orders and defiled. Her name was Malyne de Cay, by whom he had a daughter who is now married to Stonor of Oxfordshire. He was coming from his position down to the place over the bridge past Jamet de Tille, which sinful abandonment [of his post] was not only the cause of his shameful capture but also of the death of his brothers and of many a notable person there [gap] same time behaving badly [gap] which is shameful to hear of in the case of a man who bears a noble title. And where he claims that he paid for his finance and ransom the sum of £20,000 and more, know in truth that he was [put to ransom for] 12,000 marks at the most, to which he sealed an agreement with the Frenchmen and his brother which we [gap] at Oxford he stood as pledge for him etc.
To whom falsely sworn, he let him die in prison. And because the sealed agreement lay in the hands of the French [gap] and he could not by any scheming be quit of it without criticism (reproof) he therefore conspired with the duke of Orléans who in his keeping and with the [gap) Conace and Jamet de Tylly and others of the French camp to work for the release of the said duke of Orléans, so that he might have the sealed agreement back, accomplishing this without making other payments of finance, ransom or expenditure and taking in addition great sums in gifts and reward, and never redeemed the king or the lands, which matter shall be more fully declared hereafter in the future with the mercy of God.
Also, the duke articled that after he came out of captivity into England, long before he paid his supposed large ransom, he went to Calais to my lord of Bedford, and not long after as Steward of the king’s household, he went in embassy in the company of my lord cardinal of England and others to the convention of Arras. After the death of my lord Bedford, a journey with his household was made into Normandy and France to put the country in good rule [gap] said supposed ransom was never paid but as is declared and will declared hereafter, it was stopped. And as for going to Calais, Normandy, France and Arras, he went at the King’s great costs, and had excessive rewards, and well and truly was he content, and he went to Normandy and France with such an escort that there vas no chance of danger [and he wente under suche a condite as was no juperdeux aventure in Normandie and France]. Before he arrived there, there was reasonably good rule, and he impaired it. There was a large number of the English and he weakened it. Where he says in the same article that the faults and misdeeds of others who are close to the king have been directed and put against him unfairly by many who are envious and maliciously spread rumours, let him purge himself first and then tell of other men’s defaults and misdeeds. Or else on the other hand, let him tell the said defaults and misdeeds, and put them against those who are guilty, and say what it is that is beyond his power to amend, and so discharge his conscience and remove the slander the general [gap] no other single thing that is not done to his liking.
Item, where in his third article the duke declares that he by the command of the king and by the advice of all the lords spiritual and temporal, well instructed and having ample, large and sufficient power and authority, took upon himself to go with other notable ambassadors into Normandy and thence to Tours to the king’s uncle and adversary of France, both for the king’s marriage as for the truce, and considered that Normandy was universally desired by the king’s subjects who were there, both lords, captains and others, whom he claims are sufficient in number to remember this, and who said on that occasion to the duke that unless he established a truce or abstinence of war, they might not nor would they be able to retain the area in the king’s obedience, seeing the might of the enemy assembled at Pontoise to the number of 18,000 men and the weakness and feebleness of the king’s dominion, where the troops were not even together as many as 1,500 Englishmen, with towns and castles being without many men, ordnance and victuals. This true, the extent of control that the duke had therein this land and the great favour he enjoyed about the king’s person, and the great trust that was put in him, and the great use of embassies and the full information that he had at all times concerning the aforementioned weakness, and the means whereby it might be remedied, for after all, as he says himself, he put the said country in order after the death of my lord of Bedford, and afterwards went overseas in the company of my lord of York and stayed there, on which occasions he was fully informed of all relevant movements and of all the might of the king’s enemy. But he never desired nor imposed any remedy, but gave counsel to the enemy, to Sir Pierre de Brezé and others of the French side in a manner which will be declared more fully later, God willing.
Where he says that the taking of the truce was the greatest universal benefit that ever came to the king or to his subjects, it is the very opposite, for thereby the king’s obedience was and is lost, unless God amend it. By virtue of the truce the king’s enemies who before were in [gap) and ruin were relieved and much increased, but the king’s people and soldiers were put out of their garrison, exiled, impoverished and destroyed. As a result, robberies, pillaging, murders, idleness and blaspheming were brought among us, our of the king’s alliance and of his own lineage departed from the king’s allegiance, and were not included in the truce. By such means, the Frenchmen allied themselves and increased their alliances and links with those who had recently left the allegiance of the king, our sovereign lord. Thereby were all the garrisons of France and Normandy of the king’s obedience, thereby were all soldiers clean picked out of the country. And quid supereto, thereby is all gone and [gap] this mighty deed is all enacted and exemplified. Yet it is not shown by whose fault even a foot of ground was lost. In exemplification of this, it is well known that when the duke of Orleans was to be delivered, as is rehearsed in the first article of the book, my lord of Gloucester was of contrary opinion about his deliverance and therefore desired an act to be made on his behalf that he had never given his assent. And so it was done, and within a month, not withstanding the fact that the duke of Suffolk arranged the said deliverance, he had a similar act exemplified him under the privy seal that he too had never given his assent. Who but antichrist could turn the truth upside down? Who [was] so evildoing, so pitiless, who so defiled, so fair without truth Is it not true that Judas kissed his master? And concerning what he said about there not being 1,500 Englishmen. At the time of the first truce there were more than 11,000, which can be proved, and the Dauphin retained 3,100 Englishmen, and when the truce was prorogued there were in Normandy more than 8,000 men.
Also where the said duke at the end of his fourth article comments on the surrendering of and departing out of the towns and of Anjou and Maine with all their appurtenances, and says that the truth was that when he was at Tours in an embassy, and later of Lorraine, and had as great a power as was ever given to any ambassador, among their discussions and treaties the enemy greatly desired to have surrendered and released to them the towns of Anjou and Maine with their appurtenances, and notwithstanding the fact that his power was adequate discharge for him reasonably to have given up the king’s title thereto, yet he gave them no answer or encouragement on the matter. Yet nevertheless he delivered to the Bastard of Orleans letters patent on the matter made in the king’s name, and also to St Pol, and made promises to them that if the duke of Alençon would come and send to the king of England to desire Alençon, he would do his part in such a way that he had no doubts but that the duke would have it; and as for Maine and Anjou, all the lords and commons in England know well that they were the key to the well-being of all the king’s obedience in France and Normandy, and when they were gone, the Englishman’s obedience was greatly reduced, and the French party’s hold increased. And as to how the king’s inheritance was therein, look in all your chronicles and you will find it as the old inheritance that our sovereign lord possessed, and that he was descended in the male line, without any change in blood line from Geoffrey Plantagenet to his own person five hundred years since the days of Geoffrey, and that no other Christian lands had been inherited by such old blood male without a change of name. And where he said that he persuaded the French party to give compensation to the king’s subjects whose livelihood was there, this was impossible as the king’s livelihood throughout the whole of France could not be granted away by letters patent. To desire impossible things of an enemy is not straight behaviour for any prince. But worse, it followed that no man was compensated and the king’s livelihood and inheritance is gone and his obedience diminished, and his liege men have lost their land and have become beggars.
The French party and the duke of Suffolk were enriched, but the true subjects lost their land, their goods and chattels, their wives, their children, and in addition were exiled and fled the country. So was the said truce undertaken improvidently and foolishly. For thereby, the French were enriched and the English impoverished. They were much boosted by men, we were destroyed. They were brought together, we were sundered. They were well arrayed, we were exiled and banished. And in addition, the said duke, improvidently after his first embassy, did not consider the high charges incumbent upon the king by necessity, first for the sustaining of his wars and the resisting of his enemies, next for his great and honourable marriage, the third for his blood and issue, for which God send us in this land his mercy; the fourth for the common benefit, the increase and the profit of all the land, and for his honourable household; yet he never stinted himself in his insatiable greed, but always gained for himself, from the king our sovereign lord, royal lordships, manors, towns, lands, tenements, sees, annuities, reversions. Whatever the duke says in his excusation, the yearly value of these with the offices which went with them is more than 5,000 marks in total … the proof of this is to see all the grants made from the first year of the reign up till now, where the number of grants made to him by patents exceeds 30, and to the value of 1000 marks and more by which …. and yet he spares not the best revenues of this land which is the custom and subsidy on wool, of which he has from exports from Norfolk to the value of 5,000 marks by patent. Of these wools, the largest amount was exported overseas by Simon Pygot of Lynn. Yet because of his insatiable greed, the duke was not contented nor even with the excessive and sinister gifts for making of great officers and officials in the counties of England, some years at the election of sheriffs of England for particular reasons, making sheriffs in a partial fashion, and not impartially, his approval being worth 1000 marks at the term of Michaelmas. As a result, inconvenience befell this land; all those who were not in his party were over-ruled in their counties. Thereby every suit, whether false or true, which he favoured would prosper. All other suits of true men were retarded. By such means perjuries arose and increased, and still wickedly continue in England. Some men fear that this will lead to the destruction of this land unless good remedy is found. For true men were hanged, thieves were exonerated. Men lost their lands with wrongs being committed at his behest. Thereby has he purchased many a great lordship for maintenance. Thereby is falsehood increased and truth destroyed. Truth was subsumed and falsehood elevated. Justice is lost and law put into mischief. And in addition, not content with this, the said duke claimed that the king’s livelihood had not been diminished by him yet arranged, for many of his party ever though they never did the king service nor any of his ancestors whereby they might have the king’s gift great constableship, offices, annuities, and great pensions, and that the benefit to himself in gifts was every year worth the value of his livelihood. So he is enriched and the king impoverished. He has a huge livelihood, the king but a small one.
Here is an estimate of his livelihood by gift of the king:
First my lady Margaret Somerset, with £1,000 fees of office.
Also for the land of my young lady of Warwick; he was a compliant farmer for the land he took to the farm of the treasurer.
The earldom of Pembroke with Pembrokeshire, with the fees of men and offices £1,000.
The greater part of the earldom of Richmond in Norfolk, in Swaffham, Norforth, Turne and Charleton, with the appurtenances and return of writs, with sheriff’s tourns and other franchises £200.
offices at Woodstock, Wallingford, Fremantle, and elsewhere, with the great offices in the duchy of Lancaster, in addition to other offices not mentioned here, £200, all purchased in sinister fashion by the duke
First, that he got the earldom of Kendal, the honour, name, title and estate of earl etc, and acquired for himself the king’s livelihood in Gascony and Guienne which belonged to the duke of Gloucester, and married himself to his niece. So he had by sly exchange the lordships and castles of Glaxton, Resham and other lands and tenements in Norfolk and Suffolk which were of the niece’s inheritance, to the yearly value with fees and services of £200
Also from the of Sit John Clifton in order to maintain them to keep Clifton’s livelihood wrongfully from his next of kin and heirs to whom hrs said livelihood was entailed £26
Also where the said duke excuses himself and my lady his wife from the charge that they have always lived off the king and queen, it is not necessary to recall that article as the truth is so obvious
Also where the said duke declares that it is falsely rumoured that he should sell Normandy and the lords and captains there, it is to be advised by the lords and captains, but as for Normandy, know you well that the French party know with every day that passes our poverty, our weakness, improvidence, non-resistance, lack of power and every mishap which follows for us. And for that feeble demand that the duke puts in his article that questions asked about reasons for the loss of Normandy from such men as are lords and captains who have given up the king’s places, that demand will not rescue anyone, nor is it at all worthy. But when it is asked why it is lost, it may answered ‘by false greed, rapine, extortion and pillage, which caused the rebellion of subjects because of the lack of justice on the one hand, by surrender of the duke of Orleans, and of the counties of Maine and Mayenne into the hands of the French with an improvident, indiscrete, stupidly and falsely undertaken truce on the other hand.’ And of both of these there has arisen many a disaster which we shall pass over, and the rest of the duke’s book shall be answered.
More on the dorse. And as for the help and rescue of Rouen, Harfleur and any other place in Normandy, there is no need to answer the duke’s declaration, for the truth is only too clear. And as for his offers to go to Normandy or to any other place, although they have made and declared, they are always connected with an impossible etc.